|
|
ÑÒÀÒÜÈ Î ËÅÎÍÒÜÅÂÅ
Paul
A. Samuelson
Our
Wassily: W.W. Leontief
Leontief
had a long and picturesque life in three
countries,
on two continents. Over sixty years his was a bully
pulpit
at Harvard and NYU. (It was a nineteenth century
Harvard
graduate who said, “Good Americans, when they die, go
to
Paris.” It is I who says: “Good economists, before they
die,
go to NYU.” Fritz Machlup, Oskar Morgenstern, Will Baumol
and
Wassily Wassilyovitch Leontief will know I state the
truth.)
At the editors’ invitation, I speak
here for an early
generation
of Leontief’s boys, those in his special workshop within a golden
pre-war Cambridge age. Listed in approximate
chronological
order, I bear witness for Abram Bergson, Paul
Samuelson,
Sidney Alexander, Shigeto Tsuru, Lloyd Metzler,
Dick
Goodwin, Jim Duesenberry, Hollis Chenery and Bob Solow:
a
baker’s half dozen that owing only to age-related
inadvertence
omits to mention a few other celebrated names.
(Marion
Crawford [Samuelson] was at least one gender
exception:
her 1937 Summa Senior Honors Thesis was written as
Leontief’s
Radcliffe tutee.)
For
a long time I was as much younger than Leontief as
Solow
is younger than Samuelson. However, late in the era of
the
Soviet Union, revisionist research into Czarist vital
statistics
pushed back from 1906 to 1905 the birth year of my
beloved
master. But what signifies age? When I first glimpsed
Wassily,
brown-suited, dark, scarred and handsome, at the 1934
Palmer
House Chicago meeting of the AEA, he looked much the
same
as when at 69 he left Harvard in a huff for NYU. Even in
the
months before he died in 1999, his appearance had not
changed
much. I may also add that his foreign accent softened
little
over the years; but after my first hour of hearing him
lecture,
his soft-spoken words came through loud and clear.
We
graduate students spun legends in the Junior Common
Room
about our mentor. At the age of puberty, as a Menshivick
his
life was spared by the Bolshevicks in the hope that he
would
grow up to know better. The scar on his neck was not the
wound
from a student’s duel; actually the German operation
that
produced it did provide him the exit visa to leave the
USSR.
(Unlike Prokofiev he never went back--except to preach
to
his Fatherland the virtues of input/output analysis.) Like
an
earlier immigrant, Simon Kuznets, the young Leontief first
seemed
quite apolitical in America. Later he reversed the
usual
lifecycle: with age, conservative cynicism peeled of particularly
after those Republicans cut back on input/output
development.
In
1935 Harvard was just moving from torpor into an
Elizabethan
renaissance. Frank Taussig had aged. Allyn Young
had
died prior to returning from the London School to Harvard.
Failing
to achieve tenure, Laughlin Currie had recently been
banished
to Washington. Charles Jesse Bullock and Thomas Nixon
Carver
had at long last retired. Economic historian Edwin Gay,
although
he may not have known it, was in his last year at
Harvard
(thereby liberating Abbott Payson Usher to teach
graduate
students). John Williams led cracker-barrel seminars
that
were respectable and, after Alvin Hansen arrived (in 1937
by
a Harvard miscalculation!), the two made a great
macroeconomic
duo. Edward Chamberlin at 35 was, judged
retrospectively,
at the zenith of his scholarly career; Edward
Mason
was not yet the important elder statesman he was to
become.
Other local worthies can mostly be overlooked.
Thanks
only in part to Adolf Hitler, the foreign rescuers
were
on their way: Schumpeter from Austria and Weimar Germany;
Haberler
from Vienna and the League of Nations. It must have
been
the newly-arrived-in-Cambridge Schumpeter who plucked
Leontief
from a brief National Bureau stint to Harvard. (I
suspect
Schumpeter fastened on Leontief as a genius on the
basis
of the 24-year-old’s German article on how to identify
demand
and supply elasticities from a time-series sample--a
brilliant
investment decision even if not 100% cogent.)
It
was only in the calendar year 1935 that Schumpeter and
Leontief
were permitted to lecture on their specialties. That
was
luck for me since it provided both a telescopic and a
microscopic
add-on to my training. It rescued me from my
miscalculation
which had diverted me from Morningside Heights
to
the Harvard Yard. (When the Social Science Research
Council,
my Medicis, dictated that I leave Chicago, Midway
locals
without exception advised choosing the Columbia of
Wesley
Mitchell, Harold Hotelling and J.M. Clark. Joseph
Schumpeter,
I was told, was the eccentric who believed in a
zero
interest rate for the stationary state. Leontief neither
I
nor they knew anything about. Before Seymour Harris was an
“inflationist,”
Lloyd Mints warned me against him as one.
Independently
of any Chicago reading list, I had discovered on
my
own the (1933) Theory of Monopolistic Competition on the
SSRC
Reserve Room shelf. That predisposed me toward Harvard.
But
truth to tell, it was because I expected Harvard to be
like
Dartmouth--located around a New England green common,
with
a white chapel tower and much ivy on the walls--that I
arrived
by street car, unannounced, at the Harvard Yard.)
That
first registration day I gladly burned my bridges.
Defying
undescribable high authority, William Tell refused to
take
economic history from Gay. (I already knew it from John
U.
Nef.) That made room to take two advanced courses: one was
from
Chamberlin; 21 years later when I substituted for him to
teach
the basic elementary Harvard graduate course in theory,
I
encountered precisely the same unchanged reading list: J.S.
Mill,
A. Marshall, E.H. Chamberlin and J.V. Robinson!
Eschewing
Gay in the spring semester, I was able to learn
genuine
modern statistics from E.B. Wilson, bypassing Edwin
Frickey
(who with Leonard Crum taught at Harvard courses
against
modern statistics!).
But all was not lost.
For the
first time Wassily gave a one-semester
mathematical
economics seminar; it was camouflaged as “Price
Analysis”
but that didn’t fool me. We were a small class. Abe
Bergson,
then a third-year graduate student, was one attendee.
Another
was Harvard honors senior Sidney Alexander. Maybe
Shigeto
Tsuru and Philip Bradley were auditors, as was
Schumpeter
occasionally.
Here is what we
learned from late September to almost
November
Thanksgiving: (a) specified two-good indifference
contours,
non-intersecting and “convex to the origin;” (b) a negatively-sloped
budget line; (c) no indicator of
cardinal
utility at all. The commodity on the
vertical axis was
specified
to be numeraire good, so that P1/P2 determined the
absolute
slope of the budget line. (d) As this price ratio
changed,
the budget line pivoted around the intercept where it
hit
the vertical axis. (e) What could we prove about the
signs
of aq1/a(P1/p2)
and aq2/a(p1/P2)? But first, (f) what might be
true
of the signs of income elasticities or of[aq~/a(I/P1)]
when I/P1 is defined as (P2/P1)q1
+ q2 = I/P1, the budget
constraint?
We
learned that, in so-called Normal Case(s), both
income
elasticities
would be positive. But also there could be cases where
one, but not both, of the income elasticities could be
negative.
Finally, somewhere between Columbus Day and
Thanksgiving,
we found the Holy Grail at the North Pole.
Theorem:
In all “normal” cases, own-price
elasticities
were indeed negative. However, in a
case
where a good’s income elasticity was negative
and
much was spent on it, Giffenosity could obtain
to
make 3q~/3(P1/P~) > 0!
We
didn’t learn this by writing down in our notebooks the
professor’s
dictated statements of the theorem. We PROVED it
by
2-by-2 determinants! Ah bliss.
No
other course I ever took so profoundly set me on the
way
of my life career. It was so to speak slow motion, and all
the
better for that. It prepared me to master Edwin Bidsell
Wilson’s
exposition of Willard Gibbs’ thermodynamic analysis.
Leontief
assigned no readings in Pareto or Allen-Hicks or, for
that
matter (1913) W.E. Johnson or (1915) Eugen Slutsky--only
our
own laboratory work. Then, after Thanksgiving, we replaced
the
linear budget equation by a 1930 Haberlerian concave
“opportunity-cost”
curve--thereby mastering Leontief’s own
(1933)
QJE vindication of (1879) Marshallian offer curves in
international trade. Obviously we were
prepared for James
Meade’s
later (1952) graphics of international trade.
I
have told more than once how Haberler’s resistance to
indifference
curves provoked from one brash Leontief student
the
rebuke: “Well, without indifference curves, your 1925
Vienna
Ph.D. thesis on index numbers evaporates into thin
air.”
The theory of revealed preference was born one second
later
as I listened to what I was saying.
Although
Wassily rarely lectured on his current
researches,
this was a golden decade in his own life. (Also,
it
was that for Abba Lerner far away in London. And for the
Oskar
Lange whose muse left him after his patriotic return to
post-war
Soviet-satellite Poland.) Notable and already
mentioned
was Leontief’s QJE paper on indifference curves in
international trade. Less noticed was
his (1934) paper--in
German,
but translated in collected (1966) Essays--on cobweb
dynamics of nonlinear supply and demand
curves: here his
topological
explorations into multiple periodic motions came
close
to chancing on modern chaos theory. Already his
Harvard
lectures
introduced testable partial differential equations
for
disaggregation separability: in my 1941 thesis,
Foundations
of
Economic Analysis (1947, p. 178), I referred to the
Leontief condition for independence of goods x and y,
namely
a2 log (Marg. rate of Subt.)/ax8y 0.
Leontief’s
middle and final decades were increasingly
preoccupied
by input/output researches. These were of
tremendous
value to society and to him. His Nobel Prize
properly
cited them. Well and good. A scholar should follow
his
own instincts and volitions. Still, I have to confess to a
certain
regret. Max Born, the Physics Nobel Laureate who
helped
to found the better post-Bohr Quantum Mechanics theory,
expressed
my sentiments when he wrote to the Albert Einstein
who,
from the age of 45 on, concentrated all his energies on
creating
a new unified field theory combining gravity,
relativity,
quantum theory and cosmology. To do this, Einstein
chose
to cut himself off from most of the frontier
developments
in 1925-1970 physics. Born wrote to his admired
master:
“We are left to struggle on without our leader.” I am
much
like Oliver Twist who always asks for “More.” So original
and lively an economist as Leontief, in
my contra-factual
history, could
well have given us another volume of diverse
and
sparkling collected papers like those in his classic 1966
book.
The whole world appreciated the genius of Wassily W.
Leontief.
But we his disciples knew the full measure of his
inspiration.
At Berlin Leontief was lucky in his
teacher Ladislaus von
Bortkiewicz,
a keen contributor to statistics and to
mathematical
economics. Matching this depth came the width
from
Werner Sombat, the grandiose creator of theories for
economic
history. From Bortkiewicz’s improvements on Marx must
have
come an early interest in the Quesnay-like circular
interdependence
of input/output; but from my later explicit
quizzing
of him, I can rebut the innuendo that he ever did
know
the (1898) work of Vladimir Dmitriev. Just as Sraffa’s
(1960)
book on input/output never cited Leontief, Leontief’s
1925-1999
writings seem never to have cited the work of
Sraffa.
I
try not to make those venial mistakes. I am conscious
of
how much I have benefitted from teachers like Leontief: at
Chicago
Jacob Viner, Henry Simons, Frank Knight and Paul
Douglas;
at Harvard Edwin Bidwell Wilson, Joseph Schumpeter,
Leontief,
Gottfried Haberler and Alvin Hansen. It is humbling
when
one weighs accomplishments against advantages. Old school
ties
are dummy variables that boost one’s R2. And when your
teachers pass off the stage, your
students step in to add on
their
push. All the while the wind is broken for us by
contemporaries
like Abram Bergson, Robert Solow, Kenneth
Arrow,
Gerard Debreu, Abraham Wald, Lionel McKenzie and the
rest
of the Invisible College.
Sixty-five
years have not dimmed memories of that golden
age
in the Harvard Yard: so to speak Wassily Leontief at one
end
of the log and me at the other.
References
Chamberlin,
Edwin H. 1933. The
Theory of Monopolistic Competition.Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press,
6th
edn., 1948.
Dmitriev,
Valdmir Karpovich. 1898. Ekonomicheskie
Ocherki,
Vyp.I,
“Teoriya tsennosti D. Ricardo (opty; tochnago
analyza)
.“ Moscow. [“The theory of value of D. Ricardo,
an
attempt at a rigorous analysis,” Economic Essays,
Issue 1.]
Haberler,
Gottfried. 1927. Der Sinn derlndexzahlen. Tubingen:
J.C.B. Mohr.
Haberler,
Gottfried. 1933. Der
internationale Handel. Theorie
der
weltwirtschaftlichen Zusammenhange sowie Darstellung
und
Analyse der Aussenhandelspolitik.
Berlin:
Julius Springer. [Translated
1936 as The
Theory of International Trade
with its Applications to Commercial Policy.
London:
William Hodge & Co.]
Johnson,
William E. 1913. “The Pure Theory of Utility Curves,”Economic
Journal, 23:483-515.
Leontief,
Wassily. 1929. “Em Versuch zur Statistischen Analyse
von
Angelbot und Nachf rage,” Weltwirtschaftlichs Archiv,
30: 1-53.
Leontief,
Wassily. 1933. “The Use of Indifference Curves in
the
Analysis of
Foreign
Trade,” Quarterly Journal
of
Economics, 47:493-503.
Leontief,
Wassily, et al. 1953. Studies
in the Structure of
the
American Economy. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Leontief,
Wassily. 1966. Essays in
Economics: Theories and
Theorizing.
New York: Oxford
University Press.
Marshall,
Alfred. 1879. The Pure
Theory of International
Trade.
The Pure Theory of Domestic Values. Privately
printed 1879. First published 1930,
London: London School
of
Economics. Reprinted 1974, Clifton, New Jersey:
Augustus
M. Kelley.
Meade,
James. 1952. A Geometry of
International Trade.
London:Allen & Unwin. New York: Augustus Kelley, 1969.
Samuelson,
Paul A. 1938. “A Nate on the Pure Theory of
Consumer’
s Behavior,” Economica, N. S., 5:61-71.
Samuelson,
Paul A. 1938. “An Addendum,” Economica, N.S.
5:353-54.
Samuelson,
Paul A. 1947. Foundations
of Economic Analysis.
Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Slutsky,
Eugen. 1915. “Sulla teoria del bilancio del
consumatore,” Giornale degli Economisti
e Rivista di
Statistica,
51:1-26. [Translated
1953, K.E. Boulding and
George
Stigler, eds., as “On the Theory of the Budget of
the
Consumer,” in Readings in Price Theory. London:
Allen
&
Unwin, 1953.]
Sraffa,
Piero. 1960. Production of
Commodities by Means of
Commodities.
Prelude to a Critique of Economic Theory.
Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
|